Natural Resource Management in the Congo
Book launch in London at SOAS Monday 9 May 5:15 PM
Book launch in Oxford Tuesday 10 May Nuffield College, Clay Room, 5:00 PM
Book launch in Birmingham Wednesday 11 May 4:00 PM
Congo matters.
It is land of plenty with the natural resources the world needs. No other
country in Africa, and few countries worldwide, has such an impressive
concentration and diversity of natural wealth. Congo has over 1,100 mineral
substances and is home to the world’s second largest tropical rainforest.
Endowed with abundant arable land, its farmers could feed a billion people.
More than half of Africa’s water is located in this troubled nation, whose
hydroelectric capacity could light up the entire continent. And Congo has oil
too. But after a decade of robust growth driven by the extractive sectors, there
is little evidence of social development.
Neither
optimistic nor pessimistic this book intertwines three main threads of
information: an overview of what we need to know about the natural resources
themselves; analysis of the sectors
through an institutional and political economy framework; and the challenges,
pathways and opportunities for improved natural resource management.
The primary
ambition of this book is to present up-to-date data and analysis of Congo’s
natural resource sectors. Congo’s Environmental Paradox is essentially
empirical and argues, sector by sector, that state-building initiatives cannot
be successful without improved natural resource management. Efforts
consequently need to be embedded in locally realistic and appropriate
perspectives, including in the framework of the stalled decentralization
process.
Part of my
motivation for writing this book stems from frustration about mainstream
discourse and analysis of Congo’s natural resources. Most information tends to
be sector specific and lacks historic depth. Articles, NGO reports and policy
documents suffer from extreme fragmentation. The scholarly landscape about
these resources is covered by vertical silos with few horizontal connections.
The urgency in trying to come up with management solutions or policy
recommendations also means that these writings usually lack historical depth.
The book therefore
includes historical accounts about natural resource management because the
trajectory of Congo’s resource exploitation does not exist in an historical
vacuum. The main focus, however, is the period since President Joseph Kabila
came to power in 2001. Much has evolved in the area of resource use and
management since then, despite many patterns of continuity.
Congo’s Environmental Paradox adopts – and advocates for - an integrated approach in analysing
the potential of Congo’s natural resources. Integrated (sometimes used
synonymously with holistic) refers to the interconnectedness of natural
resources themselves, combined with governance practices, economic activities
and the stakeholders involved – such as Congolese officials, farmers and
miners, international institutions, Western multinationals, new commercial
partners and actors in unofficial trade and trafficking networks. The book
identifies relationships between all of these elements and highlights the lost
opportunity costs of not pegging development policies to them.
The following
examples support my argument of why an integrated approach is necessary. Efforts
to improve the sustainable management of Congo’s forests focus more often than
not on the forest sector sensu stricto. This is necessary but not
enough. Sustainable use of these forests can only be achieved by looking beyond
the sector itself. Links need to be made between forests, water, energy and
agriculture. Agriculture is a major driver of deforestation and consequently
contributes to global climate change. Food insecurity in the DRC clearly stems
from production and transportation weaknesses but there are other causes too.
Artisanal mining is one example because it has tempted large numbers of farmers
to trade their hoes and machetes for picks and shovels. Oil production
undermines protected area management threatening Congo’s amazing biodiversity.
The section on industrial mining draws
attention to DRC’s energy deficit, which is a serious obstacle to the creation
of added economic value. While extraction of bulk ore is not particularly
energy dependent, its transformation is. The central government wants the
country to export value added products but processing by mining companies is not
economically profitable with inadequate electricity supplies.
Dilapidated transportation infrastructure,
like the energy deficit, is another cross-cutting problem with negative
implications for each of the five sectors analysed. This pertains to difficulties
in getting crops from field to market, timber from forest to sawmill or port,
or minerals from mine to rail and road networks. The oil sector is not
seriously handicapped by transport issues today because production takes place
in the vicinity of the Atlantic coast. Nevertheless, a looming logistical
problem faces upcoming oil production in eastern Congo: the pipeline question
remains unresolved for national political concerns and regional rivalry. These
are some of the other connections that are highlighted in an integrated way.
All of these sectors merit entire books in
and of themselves but this one has the merit – for the first time – of pulling
together this information in a single volume. It is intended primarily for
people interested in the Congo and in African environmental issues. But students wanting to learn about global climate change or hydropower
politics, wildlife lovers fascinated by Congo’s outstanding biodiversity, food
security experts interested in fish farming, NGO campaigners tracking land
deals or struggling to end the trade in conflict minerals, companies exploring
investment opportunities and donors trying to think creatively about aid
delivery strategies, as well as students of development more broadly, should
all find some parts of this book conceptually useful and socially pertinent.